March 16, 2009 AKP
Cambodian Prime Minister Samdech Techo Hun Sen has raised questions at a recent conference on Cambodian economic outlook held in Phnom Penh with a view to getting responses that would help Cambodia to get through the impacts of current worsening global economic downturn.
The conference, the third of its kind, jointly organized on Mar. 12 by Cambodian Development Research Institute and ANZ Royal Bank, was attended by the government’s ranking officials, development partners, representatives of private sector, civil society and international development community.
Prime Minister Hun Sen said he would like to seek for effective responses to the current financial crisis to protect and support the poor and vulnerable people, especially those losing jobs due to the plummet in volume of garment exports, manufacturing, construction, and tourism, and those returning home due to the loss of their overseas jobs in neighboring countries.
He said the government would also pay attention to the poor families in the low-income areas, the small and medium enterprises, the unemployed and part-time employed people who lose the opportunity owing to economic recession, including those young people who participated in labor market susceptible to the economic shocks.
"We are willing and firmly committed to assure that our responses to the crisis are suitable for the demand through sustainable economic activities and the opportunity of getting jobs and maintaining daily livelihood, the establishment of social security system to save and help the vulnerable people and groups, and through the mechanism of providing urgent food relief and social benefits," he pointed out.
"Global and regional economic slump has not emerged from Cambodia; it is an external factor which is out of Cambodia’s control, however; it is affecting us," Prime Minister Hun Sen said.
He underlined that the current global economic downturn showed the opportunity for Cambodia to strengthen and expand the cooperation and promote the regional economic integration to be able to get the advantages at the maximum from Cambodia’s great economic potentials.
Prime Minister Hun Sen recommended the government’s concerned departments and ministries to work together and cooperate closer with development partners to ensure that the development plan would be finalized and implemented promptly and effectively.
Tuesday, June 16, 2009
Friday, June 12, 2009
Prime Minister Hunsen

Samdech Hun Sen warmly receives a delegation of Vietnam’s Religious Affairs Committee
Cambodian Prime Minister Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen (right), warmly receives here on Tuesday a delegation of Vietnam’s Religious Affairs Committee led by its Chairman Mr. Nguyen Tho Doang.
In the meeting, Mr. Nguyen Tho Doang told Cambodian premier that Vietnam’s Religious Affairs Committee and Cambodia’s Ministry of Cults and Religions have signed a cooperation agreement. He also expressed his commitment to further boost the cooperation for the contribution to development of the two nations.
In reply, Samdech Techo Hun Sen highly valued the past cooperation of religious field between the two countries and proposed both sides to further enhance the cooperation
Cambodian Prime Minister Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen (right), warmly receives here on Tuesday a delegation of Vietnam’s Religious Affairs Committee led by its Chairman Mr. Nguyen Tho Doang.
In the meeting, Mr. Nguyen Tho Doang told Cambodian premier that Vietnam’s Religious Affairs Committee and Cambodia’s Ministry of Cults and Religions have signed a cooperation agreement. He also expressed his commitment to further boost the cooperation for the contribution to development of the two nations.
In reply, Samdech Techo Hun Sen highly valued the past cooperation of religious field between the two countries and proposed both sides to further enhance the cooperation
Monday, June 8, 2009
Remarks at the Conferment of Honorary Doctorate Degree in Political Science from the Korea University
Republic of Korea, 3 June 2009
- Dear Rector, Board of Directors, Delegates and Professors of the Korea University
- Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen!
Today, it is my great pleasure and honor that the Korea University decided to confer upon me the honorary Doctorate Degree in Political Science. At the outset, I would like to express my deepest thanks to the Rector and Board of Directors, who have highly evaluated me amongst the prominent political figures and granted the Honorary Doctorate Degree in Political Science. The award also provides honor to the Royal Government and people of Cambodia. Moreover, this prideful honor truly reflects the progress on the right and realistic path of realizing Cambodia’s political vision that helped eliminate the country’s isolation and solve the previous crisis effectively, and prepare itself to be able to adjust to the current situation, and develop a National Strategic Development Plan with long term vision for the future of Cambodia.
Taking this opportunity, I would like to highlight some important aspects involving the position, good will and political perspective in solving and coping with the crisis in Cambodia, which responds to the high recognition and appreciation of my activities and efforts in the cause of serving my most beloved people and country. In general, every effort that I have been resolutely leading with strong commitment is based on the appropriate and realistic political vision, which reflects the reality of Cambodia and responds to the good aspiration of Cambodian people. Based on this leadership, a great deal of priceless achievements has been made, including the following:
First, After Cambodia was liberated from the genocidal regime on 7 January 1979, Cambodian people faced all kinds of difficulties, including the shortage of foods, medicines, clothes, education and training and shelters. In particular, we had to start the development from scratch. Departing from this point, we have gradually restored the country by trying to rebuild and develop, in one hand, and protect and prevent the return of the genocidal regime, on the other hand, because at that time the internal conflict was not entirely ended. Those matters include the cause of national reconciliation, strengthening and developing the national economy and capacity building of officials and institutions through the preparation of administrative, legal, educational, health, agricultural and physical infrastructure systems throughout the country. These efforts have become a strong foundation for the prosperity and socio-economic stability of Cambodia now and in the future.
Second, based on the effort of restoration and development, Cambodia has come across in-depth reform from the planning economy to the planning-market oriented economy and then to a free market economy in late 1980s. This reform has been carefully conducted step by step, conforming to the process of socio-economic development, which aim to promote the active participation of the private sector in order to enlarge the base for production, agriculture, trade and service, which have upgraded the living of people and social development. Resulting from this careful reform, Cambodia has built strong and comprehensive economic foundation, which is consistent and intertwined as well as creating excellent business environment for Cambodia.
Third, through the efforts in implementing the policy of national reconciliation with consistency and commitment, Cambodia closed the dark historical page, resulted from its internal conflict, in the late 1990s by internally integrating all Cambodian factions from different political tendencies into a national fold as well as created a new era of “liberal and multi-party democracy regime”, which has brought about a full peace, the respect for human rights and dignity and the real development. The achievement of full peace throughout the country stemmed from the implementation of the “win-win” policy, which is the philosophy of respecting human rights, ensuring all sorts of security and safety for the ex-opponents in the conflict. This perspective has been resulted from the real aspiration of the people, who have been fed up with the crisis and decades of chronic wars, for peace in the society together with the arts of concession and sharing for the common interest of the nation.
Fourth, Cambodia has been actively integrated into the regional and global groupings in an attempt to expand opportunities and the scope of the scale economy through the policy of liberalization in trade and investment as well as the facilitation of capital flow and technology transfer in order to attain a quick prosperity for the country. Cambodia is currently becoming a significant actor and actively participating with equal rights and footings in all regional and global affairs.
Fifth, the right policy and leadership with strong will in the condition of full peace and sustainable stability has helped Cambodia to believe in herself that we are now on a critical path in moving toward a bright future with optimism and hope. Indeed, during the last decade, economic growth has increased on average of 9.4% and the poverty rate has declined on average of more than 1% per year. This achievement has been achieved in the difficult context and condition, which Cambodia has to manage and overcome the external unfavorable climate and continuous storms of the crisis including the current global financial crisis.
In general, the achievements stemming from strong and long term political perspectives did not happen by chance. In fact, we have thought and planned beforehand with high attention and scrutiny together with firm and realistic position, according to the changing environment and requirements of the socio-economic development. During the day-to-day leadership at the present time, I have always considered peace and political stability as a strong basis for development, and the reform is a life and death issue for Cambodia. If we have not consistently implemented the policy of national reconciliation and deep reforms, Cambodia cannot truly escape from the darkness of war tragedy and conflict as well as the trap of crisis and chronic poverty.
Before ending, I would like to take this opportunity to express my deep gratitude to the Government and people of Korea, who have always continuously supported in the form of grants and soft loans and have promoted the flow of more Korean private investment and tourists to invest and visit Cambodia, which is an important contribution to the restoration and development of the Kingdom of Cambodia. With this great honor today and for the sake of strengthening and expanding relationship between our two nations we will continue our joint efforts and closer relationships, leading to a more comprehensive cooperation and long term stability for our two countries and peoples.
Moreover, I would like to express great pleasure to the ASEAN-ROK 20th Commemorative Summit, which has been deeply expanded. With the ceremony today, I would appeal once again to all Korean investors to seek opportunities of cooperation and investment in Cambodia.
I would like to thank all colleagues and officials from Cambodia, who have tried their utmost to serve the beloved country and people by fulfilling duties in a spirit of high responsibility and national interest, leading to the realization of the political perspective with the objective to ensure peace, poverty reduction and socio-economic development for the country and people of Cambodia. The honor provided to me by the Korea University today is also their honor. In this regard, I would like to share this pride with my dear wife, Lok Chumteav Bun Rany Hun Sen, and all beloved children and grandchildren, who have always stayed close to me, encouraged and supported me in every mission to serve the nation.
Finally, may I wish the Rector, Board of Directors and all Professors of the Korea University, Delegates, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, prosperity and every success.
- Dear Rector, Board of Directors, Delegates and Professors of the Korea University
- Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen!
Today, it is my great pleasure and honor that the Korea University decided to confer upon me the honorary Doctorate Degree in Political Science. At the outset, I would like to express my deepest thanks to the Rector and Board of Directors, who have highly evaluated me amongst the prominent political figures and granted the Honorary Doctorate Degree in Political Science. The award also provides honor to the Royal Government and people of Cambodia. Moreover, this prideful honor truly reflects the progress on the right and realistic path of realizing Cambodia’s political vision that helped eliminate the country’s isolation and solve the previous crisis effectively, and prepare itself to be able to adjust to the current situation, and develop a National Strategic Development Plan with long term vision for the future of Cambodia.
Taking this opportunity, I would like to highlight some important aspects involving the position, good will and political perspective in solving and coping with the crisis in Cambodia, which responds to the high recognition and appreciation of my activities and efforts in the cause of serving my most beloved people and country. In general, every effort that I have been resolutely leading with strong commitment is based on the appropriate and realistic political vision, which reflects the reality of Cambodia and responds to the good aspiration of Cambodian people. Based on this leadership, a great deal of priceless achievements has been made, including the following:
First, After Cambodia was liberated from the genocidal regime on 7 January 1979, Cambodian people faced all kinds of difficulties, including the shortage of foods, medicines, clothes, education and training and shelters. In particular, we had to start the development from scratch. Departing from this point, we have gradually restored the country by trying to rebuild and develop, in one hand, and protect and prevent the return of the genocidal regime, on the other hand, because at that time the internal conflict was not entirely ended. Those matters include the cause of national reconciliation, strengthening and developing the national economy and capacity building of officials and institutions through the preparation of administrative, legal, educational, health, agricultural and physical infrastructure systems throughout the country. These efforts have become a strong foundation for the prosperity and socio-economic stability of Cambodia now and in the future.
Second, based on the effort of restoration and development, Cambodia has come across in-depth reform from the planning economy to the planning-market oriented economy and then to a free market economy in late 1980s. This reform has been carefully conducted step by step, conforming to the process of socio-economic development, which aim to promote the active participation of the private sector in order to enlarge the base for production, agriculture, trade and service, which have upgraded the living of people and social development. Resulting from this careful reform, Cambodia has built strong and comprehensive economic foundation, which is consistent and intertwined as well as creating excellent business environment for Cambodia.
Third, through the efforts in implementing the policy of national reconciliation with consistency and commitment, Cambodia closed the dark historical page, resulted from its internal conflict, in the late 1990s by internally integrating all Cambodian factions from different political tendencies into a national fold as well as created a new era of “liberal and multi-party democracy regime”, which has brought about a full peace, the respect for human rights and dignity and the real development. The achievement of full peace throughout the country stemmed from the implementation of the “win-win” policy, which is the philosophy of respecting human rights, ensuring all sorts of security and safety for the ex-opponents in the conflict. This perspective has been resulted from the real aspiration of the people, who have been fed up with the crisis and decades of chronic wars, for peace in the society together with the arts of concession and sharing for the common interest of the nation.
Fourth, Cambodia has been actively integrated into the regional and global groupings in an attempt to expand opportunities and the scope of the scale economy through the policy of liberalization in trade and investment as well as the facilitation of capital flow and technology transfer in order to attain a quick prosperity for the country. Cambodia is currently becoming a significant actor and actively participating with equal rights and footings in all regional and global affairs.
Fifth, the right policy and leadership with strong will in the condition of full peace and sustainable stability has helped Cambodia to believe in herself that we are now on a critical path in moving toward a bright future with optimism and hope. Indeed, during the last decade, economic growth has increased on average of 9.4% and the poverty rate has declined on average of more than 1% per year. This achievement has been achieved in the difficult context and condition, which Cambodia has to manage and overcome the external unfavorable climate and continuous storms of the crisis including the current global financial crisis.
In general, the achievements stemming from strong and long term political perspectives did not happen by chance. In fact, we have thought and planned beforehand with high attention and scrutiny together with firm and realistic position, according to the changing environment and requirements of the socio-economic development. During the day-to-day leadership at the present time, I have always considered peace and political stability as a strong basis for development, and the reform is a life and death issue for Cambodia. If we have not consistently implemented the policy of national reconciliation and deep reforms, Cambodia cannot truly escape from the darkness of war tragedy and conflict as well as the trap of crisis and chronic poverty.
Before ending, I would like to take this opportunity to express my deep gratitude to the Government and people of Korea, who have always continuously supported in the form of grants and soft loans and have promoted the flow of more Korean private investment and tourists to invest and visit Cambodia, which is an important contribution to the restoration and development of the Kingdom of Cambodia. With this great honor today and for the sake of strengthening and expanding relationship between our two nations we will continue our joint efforts and closer relationships, leading to a more comprehensive cooperation and long term stability for our two countries and peoples.
Moreover, I would like to express great pleasure to the ASEAN-ROK 20th Commemorative Summit, which has been deeply expanded. With the ceremony today, I would appeal once again to all Korean investors to seek opportunities of cooperation and investment in Cambodia.
I would like to thank all colleagues and officials from Cambodia, who have tried their utmost to serve the beloved country and people by fulfilling duties in a spirit of high responsibility and national interest, leading to the realization of the political perspective with the objective to ensure peace, poverty reduction and socio-economic development for the country and people of Cambodia. The honor provided to me by the Korea University today is also their honor. In this regard, I would like to share this pride with my dear wife, Lok Chumteav Bun Rany Hun Sen, and all beloved children and grandchildren, who have always stayed close to me, encouraged and supported me in every mission to serve the nation.
Finally, may I wish the Rector, Board of Directors and all Professors of the Korea University, Delegates, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, prosperity and every success.
Saturday, June 6, 2009
Keynote Address at the 17th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting

Phnom Penh, 28 My 2009
- Excellency Deputy Prime Minister Hor Namhong, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, and Co-Chair of the 17th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting,
- Excellency Mr. Jan Kohout, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic, EU Presidency and Co-Chair of the 17th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting,
- Excellencies Heads of Delegations of the EU and ASEAN Member-States,
- Distinguished Delegates,
- Excellencies, Members of the Diplomatic Corps,
- Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is indeed a great honor for me to be present at the opening session of the 17th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting and to deliver my keynote address at this important meeting here in Phnom Penh. I am very much pleased that Cambodia is hosting this ministerial meeting before the end of its role as Country Coordinator for ASEAN-EU Dialogue Relations. In my view, there is no doubt that the convening of this ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting is very much timely and highly relevant when our two regions, let alone the world at large, are confronted by numerous global challenges, in particular the current international economic and financial crisis.
Our ASEAN-EU cooperation dated back to more than thirty years ago, and our close relations at present are becoming ever stronger and covering a wide range of areas. In recent years, the ASEAN-EU cooperation and partnership have been growing and expanding in scope and depth, especially following the convening of the ASEAN-EU Commemorative Summit in Singapore, in 2007, which brought together leaders from both sides. The ASEAN-EU Commemorative Summit was a historic milestone for both ASEAN and the EU, as the relations between the two sides were raised to the highest level.
At the more practical level, I wish to note the ASEAN-EU cooperation has been carried out through the various existing frameworks and mechanisms, such as the Trans-Regional EU-ASEAN Trade Initiative (TREATI) and the Regional EU-ASEAN Dialogue Instrument (READI). At the same time, the ASEAN-EU partnership and cooperation are strategically guided by key documents, namely the Nuremberg Declaration on EU-ASEAN Enhanced Partnership, the Joint Declaration of the ASEAN-EU Commemorative Summit, and the ASEAN-EU Action Plan.
In the area of political cooperation, ASEAN and the EU have been working closely together through the various frameworks, such as the present ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting (AEMM), the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conferences (PMC) with the EU. At the same time, ASEAN has welcomed the significant number of accreditation of ambassadors by the EU Member-States to ASEAN, which clearly has demonstrated the EU’s strong commitment to strengthen its close cooperation and partnership with ASEAN.
Moreover, I am delighted to know that ASEAN and the EU will be signing the “ASEAN Declaration of Consent to the Accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia by the European Union/European Commission” and the “Declaration on Accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia by the European Union/European Commission” at this meeting later today. The signing of these documents represents another significant step forward in ASEAN-EU relations. As you all would agree, the EU/EC’s accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC) will undoubtedly promote peace, security and stability in East Asia as well as in a wider region. Given the important role of the EU in world affairs and the significance of ASEAN-EU relations, I am of the view that we need to continue accelerating the process of the EU’s accession to the TAC as early as possible, perhaps sometime within this year in order to maintain the momentum, the interest, and the political will of both sides.
With respect to the economic cooperation, ASEAN and the EU have been working closely and actively to promote trade and investment between the two sides. While more could be done to expand and deepen economic and trade relations, I am of the view that it is in the best interest of both ASEAN and the EU to move forward, with concrete progress, on the FTA negotiations on a region-to-region basis. Given the size of the markets, the enormous economic potentials, and the volume of trade between the sides of the regions, it is essential for ASEAN and the EU to proactively continue the FTA negotiations because it will bring enormous benefits and interests to ASEAN and the EU. Therefore, I personally feel that we should not lose sight of the broader and longer-term interests of the two regions, and we need to maximize our great potentials and the strategic window of opportunity that we now have.
On global issues and challenges which negatively affecting both regions and the world at large, I strongly believe that ASEAN and the EU can play a more active and more forceful role in the world. There is no room for a passive role for us, and we—ASEAN and the EU collectively—need to take on the global challenges with head on. In this regard, I wish to share my view on the global issues and challenges, as follows:
First, the global economic and financial crisis. Today, we are confronted with serious implications of this economic and financial crisis throughout the entire world, to a varying degree. The current global economic and financial crisis has clearly undermined the progress that it has been made thus far, particularly in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and poverty reduction in the developing countries. Surely, the current crisis presents with both the danger and the opportunity for some countries, particularly those in the developing world. The danger is that some countries may resort to protectionism and other national measures, as a way of coping with the fallouts of this global economic and financial crisis. The opportunity is to work together to reform the international financial institutions so that they will serve the interests of all. In addition, ASEAN and the EU can exchange their experiences in policy responses and the sharing of best practices on how to manage the ramifications of the crisis and to learn from the G-20 on how they are committed to achieving the recovery. I think this is one area that ASEAN and the EU can engage each other more in the future.
Second, climate change and the environment. At present, we all know well that the global warming and climate change have negatively affected our world, our region, and our respective individual member-states and societies. In recent times, the entire world had witnessed more frequent natural catastrophes, tsunamis, droughts and floods, and the rising sea level. In this context, I believe it is important for both ASEAN and the EU to work together in addressing climate change and the environment, especially at the upcoming Copenhagen Climate Summit in December of this year. I hope that all participating ASEAN-EU countries in this Summit will be able to build a consensus on a post-Kyoto global framework in Copenhagen. At the same time, we should collectively urge the most industrialized countries to respect the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), especially the Kyoto Protocol and the Bali Roadmap, in order to for us to take the necessary steps to prevent the increasing degradation of the world’s environment, to reduce the greenhouse gas emission and to help make the world a better place for humanity. In this regard, I would like to take this opportunity to thank the EU for choosing Cambodia this year as one of the pilot countries for the Global for Climate Change Alliance (GCCA) project.Third, food and energy security. Food and energy security will remain as one of the world’s global challenges for some time, despite great efforts and coordination to deal with and manage this challenge. I am of the view that both ASEAN and the EU could give their priority and attention to the cooperation in this area, especially in coming up with alternative clean and renewable sources of energy, such as hydropower, wind energy, solar energy and so forth. To ensure food security for our two regions, if not for the whole world, I think that we should avoid encouraging others to really develop bio-energy which could have real impact on food security, if more arable farmland will be used for bio-energy production only while the world is facing with an increasing of population.
Fourth, disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. I believe that the world is not safer or more peaceful when more countries have access to nuclear weapons or weapons of mass destruction or when more countries could produce such weapons. To the contrary, I think that we should work more concertedly and systematically to reduce the number of stockpiles of those WMDs and to continue building a more credible non-proliferation regime throughout the world. In ASEAN, we have the Treaty of the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (SEANWFZ). Over the years, we have been trying to get nuclear weapon states (NWS) to accede to this treaty, and so far only China has indicated its willingness to do so. I hope that more nuclear weapon states will be considering their accession to this treaty and by doing so they would support a region free of nuclear weapons or other WMDs. At the same time, ASEAN and the EU should work together to actively urge those countries that have not become members of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to do so because it is in the interest of ASEAN and the EU as well as the world at large if they could join the non-proliferation regime.Fifth, non-traditional security issues. Another area that ASEAN and the EU have been collaborating closely is combating of human smuggling, drug trafficking, illicit trade and circulation of small arms and light weapons; and fighting money laundering and international economic and cyber crimes. I believe that this is in this area of non-traditional security issues where ASEAN and the EU should be strengthened in the future, especially in capacity building and sharing of information and best practices. We should expand the scope and the depth of our cooperation in addressing the non-traditional security issues for mutual interests and benefits.
Sixth, the pandemic diseases. With the recent outbreak of the swine flu, the world, once again, has focused its attention and priority on this emerging infectious disease. In fact, in our region, I proposed to convene a two-day special meeting for the health ministers from ASEAN and the Plus Three Countries to meet as urgently as possible. On May 9, in Bangkok, the health ministers met in the framework of ASEAN Plus Three and agreed to boost the stockpile of antiviral medicine and protective equipment to fight this deadly disease (H1N1) as well as to look at other ways of sharing the supplies in case of a pandemic. The swine flu is just one of the global infectious diseases that we need to actively promote our closer cooperation. We should not wait until such an outbreak of infectious disease. Instead, we should enhance our collaboration within the region, and certainly between the regions, such as ASEAN and the EU, to ensure that we can respond more effectively to the outbreak of any infectious diseases, such as this swine flu, Avian Influenza, and so forth.
Before concluding my remarks, I wish to underline the following areas where the ASEAN-EU cooperation and partnership should give more priority to:
First, we need to continue implementing the ASEAN-EU Action Plan, especially in carrying out the Phnom Penh Agenda to Implement the ASEAN-EU Action Plan, which will be adopted by the ASEAN-EU Foreign Ministers later today.
Second, we need to move quickly to realize the EU/EC’s accession to the TAC, without further delay.
Third, we need to work closely together to ensure the success of the FTA negotiations as early as possible.
Fourth, we need to cooperate more actively and support each other in the areas of integration and the community building process, especially as ASEAN is now implementing its Charter.
Fifth, we need to continue strengthening the ASEAN-EU Enhanced Partnership by ensuring that the existing mechanisms and frameworks are working effectively and efficiently, especially the ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting.
Sixth, we need to strengthen ASEAN-EU cooperation in the regional and international fora, where ASEAN and the EU have an important role to play, such as the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM).
Finally, I wish to congratulate and thank all of your for participating in the 17th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting in Phnom Penh. I also would like to extend my best wishes to all of you for a very successful meeting and a pleasant stay in Cambodia. I have full confidence that the 17th AEMM will be a success.
Thank you very much and a good morning to all of you.
- Excellency Mr. Jan Kohout, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic, EU Presidency and Co-Chair of the 17th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting,
- Excellencies Heads of Delegations of the EU and ASEAN Member-States,
- Distinguished Delegates,
- Excellencies, Members of the Diplomatic Corps,
- Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is indeed a great honor for me to be present at the opening session of the 17th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting and to deliver my keynote address at this important meeting here in Phnom Penh. I am very much pleased that Cambodia is hosting this ministerial meeting before the end of its role as Country Coordinator for ASEAN-EU Dialogue Relations. In my view, there is no doubt that the convening of this ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting is very much timely and highly relevant when our two regions, let alone the world at large, are confronted by numerous global challenges, in particular the current international economic and financial crisis.
Our ASEAN-EU cooperation dated back to more than thirty years ago, and our close relations at present are becoming ever stronger and covering a wide range of areas. In recent years, the ASEAN-EU cooperation and partnership have been growing and expanding in scope and depth, especially following the convening of the ASEAN-EU Commemorative Summit in Singapore, in 2007, which brought together leaders from both sides. The ASEAN-EU Commemorative Summit was a historic milestone for both ASEAN and the EU, as the relations between the two sides were raised to the highest level.
At the more practical level, I wish to note the ASEAN-EU cooperation has been carried out through the various existing frameworks and mechanisms, such as the Trans-Regional EU-ASEAN Trade Initiative (TREATI) and the Regional EU-ASEAN Dialogue Instrument (READI). At the same time, the ASEAN-EU partnership and cooperation are strategically guided by key documents, namely the Nuremberg Declaration on EU-ASEAN Enhanced Partnership, the Joint Declaration of the ASEAN-EU Commemorative Summit, and the ASEAN-EU Action Plan.
In the area of political cooperation, ASEAN and the EU have been working closely together through the various frameworks, such as the present ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting (AEMM), the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conferences (PMC) with the EU. At the same time, ASEAN has welcomed the significant number of accreditation of ambassadors by the EU Member-States to ASEAN, which clearly has demonstrated the EU’s strong commitment to strengthen its close cooperation and partnership with ASEAN.
Moreover, I am delighted to know that ASEAN and the EU will be signing the “ASEAN Declaration of Consent to the Accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia by the European Union/European Commission” and the “Declaration on Accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia by the European Union/European Commission” at this meeting later today. The signing of these documents represents another significant step forward in ASEAN-EU relations. As you all would agree, the EU/EC’s accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC) will undoubtedly promote peace, security and stability in East Asia as well as in a wider region. Given the important role of the EU in world affairs and the significance of ASEAN-EU relations, I am of the view that we need to continue accelerating the process of the EU’s accession to the TAC as early as possible, perhaps sometime within this year in order to maintain the momentum, the interest, and the political will of both sides.
With respect to the economic cooperation, ASEAN and the EU have been working closely and actively to promote trade and investment between the two sides. While more could be done to expand and deepen economic and trade relations, I am of the view that it is in the best interest of both ASEAN and the EU to move forward, with concrete progress, on the FTA negotiations on a region-to-region basis. Given the size of the markets, the enormous economic potentials, and the volume of trade between the sides of the regions, it is essential for ASEAN and the EU to proactively continue the FTA negotiations because it will bring enormous benefits and interests to ASEAN and the EU. Therefore, I personally feel that we should not lose sight of the broader and longer-term interests of the two regions, and we need to maximize our great potentials and the strategic window of opportunity that we now have.
On global issues and challenges which negatively affecting both regions and the world at large, I strongly believe that ASEAN and the EU can play a more active and more forceful role in the world. There is no room for a passive role for us, and we—ASEAN and the EU collectively—need to take on the global challenges with head on. In this regard, I wish to share my view on the global issues and challenges, as follows:
First, the global economic and financial crisis. Today, we are confronted with serious implications of this economic and financial crisis throughout the entire world, to a varying degree. The current global economic and financial crisis has clearly undermined the progress that it has been made thus far, particularly in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and poverty reduction in the developing countries. Surely, the current crisis presents with both the danger and the opportunity for some countries, particularly those in the developing world. The danger is that some countries may resort to protectionism and other national measures, as a way of coping with the fallouts of this global economic and financial crisis. The opportunity is to work together to reform the international financial institutions so that they will serve the interests of all. In addition, ASEAN and the EU can exchange their experiences in policy responses and the sharing of best practices on how to manage the ramifications of the crisis and to learn from the G-20 on how they are committed to achieving the recovery. I think this is one area that ASEAN and the EU can engage each other more in the future.
Second, climate change and the environment. At present, we all know well that the global warming and climate change have negatively affected our world, our region, and our respective individual member-states and societies. In recent times, the entire world had witnessed more frequent natural catastrophes, tsunamis, droughts and floods, and the rising sea level. In this context, I believe it is important for both ASEAN and the EU to work together in addressing climate change and the environment, especially at the upcoming Copenhagen Climate Summit in December of this year. I hope that all participating ASEAN-EU countries in this Summit will be able to build a consensus on a post-Kyoto global framework in Copenhagen. At the same time, we should collectively urge the most industrialized countries to respect the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), especially the Kyoto Protocol and the Bali Roadmap, in order to for us to take the necessary steps to prevent the increasing degradation of the world’s environment, to reduce the greenhouse gas emission and to help make the world a better place for humanity. In this regard, I would like to take this opportunity to thank the EU for choosing Cambodia this year as one of the pilot countries for the Global for Climate Change Alliance (GCCA) project.Third, food and energy security. Food and energy security will remain as one of the world’s global challenges for some time, despite great efforts and coordination to deal with and manage this challenge. I am of the view that both ASEAN and the EU could give their priority and attention to the cooperation in this area, especially in coming up with alternative clean and renewable sources of energy, such as hydropower, wind energy, solar energy and so forth. To ensure food security for our two regions, if not for the whole world, I think that we should avoid encouraging others to really develop bio-energy which could have real impact on food security, if more arable farmland will be used for bio-energy production only while the world is facing with an increasing of population.
Fourth, disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. I believe that the world is not safer or more peaceful when more countries have access to nuclear weapons or weapons of mass destruction or when more countries could produce such weapons. To the contrary, I think that we should work more concertedly and systematically to reduce the number of stockpiles of those WMDs and to continue building a more credible non-proliferation regime throughout the world. In ASEAN, we have the Treaty of the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (SEANWFZ). Over the years, we have been trying to get nuclear weapon states (NWS) to accede to this treaty, and so far only China has indicated its willingness to do so. I hope that more nuclear weapon states will be considering their accession to this treaty and by doing so they would support a region free of nuclear weapons or other WMDs. At the same time, ASEAN and the EU should work together to actively urge those countries that have not become members of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to do so because it is in the interest of ASEAN and the EU as well as the world at large if they could join the non-proliferation regime.Fifth, non-traditional security issues. Another area that ASEAN and the EU have been collaborating closely is combating of human smuggling, drug trafficking, illicit trade and circulation of small arms and light weapons; and fighting money laundering and international economic and cyber crimes. I believe that this is in this area of non-traditional security issues where ASEAN and the EU should be strengthened in the future, especially in capacity building and sharing of information and best practices. We should expand the scope and the depth of our cooperation in addressing the non-traditional security issues for mutual interests and benefits.
Sixth, the pandemic diseases. With the recent outbreak of the swine flu, the world, once again, has focused its attention and priority on this emerging infectious disease. In fact, in our region, I proposed to convene a two-day special meeting for the health ministers from ASEAN and the Plus Three Countries to meet as urgently as possible. On May 9, in Bangkok, the health ministers met in the framework of ASEAN Plus Three and agreed to boost the stockpile of antiviral medicine and protective equipment to fight this deadly disease (H1N1) as well as to look at other ways of sharing the supplies in case of a pandemic. The swine flu is just one of the global infectious diseases that we need to actively promote our closer cooperation. We should not wait until such an outbreak of infectious disease. Instead, we should enhance our collaboration within the region, and certainly between the regions, such as ASEAN and the EU, to ensure that we can respond more effectively to the outbreak of any infectious diseases, such as this swine flu, Avian Influenza, and so forth.
Before concluding my remarks, I wish to underline the following areas where the ASEAN-EU cooperation and partnership should give more priority to:
First, we need to continue implementing the ASEAN-EU Action Plan, especially in carrying out the Phnom Penh Agenda to Implement the ASEAN-EU Action Plan, which will be adopted by the ASEAN-EU Foreign Ministers later today.
Second, we need to move quickly to realize the EU/EC’s accession to the TAC, without further delay.
Third, we need to work closely together to ensure the success of the FTA negotiations as early as possible.
Fourth, we need to cooperate more actively and support each other in the areas of integration and the community building process, especially as ASEAN is now implementing its Charter.
Fifth, we need to continue strengthening the ASEAN-EU Enhanced Partnership by ensuring that the existing mechanisms and frameworks are working effectively and efficiently, especially the ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting.
Sixth, we need to strengthen ASEAN-EU cooperation in the regional and international fora, where ASEAN and the EU have an important role to play, such as the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM).
Finally, I wish to congratulate and thank all of your for participating in the 17th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting in Phnom Penh. I also would like to extend my best wishes to all of you for a very successful meeting and a pleasant stay in Cambodia. I have full confidence that the 17th AEMM will be a success.
Thank you very much and a good morning to all of you.
Prime Minister of Cambodia is satisfied with achievements in 29 Years
Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen has enjoyed all the achievements made
by the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) in the national development over the past 29
years.
In his visit on January 30 to Arun Reah Village Orphanage in Saang district, Kandal
province, Samdech Hun Sen said that since the downfall of Khmer Rouge regime the
achievements have come from the “hands” of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), not
from the opposition party’s.
Not only did not they help, added the Prime Minister of Cambodia, but also prevented
donors from providing in aid to the country.
Roads, schools, hospitals and other important infrastructure were, he underlined, built
throughout the country. “In the recent years, economy in Cambodia increased
remarkably, which startled the international community", said Samdech Hun Sen, adding
that a lot of political analysts shared the same view that the CPP would win the 2008
legislative elections.
==========
by the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) in the national development over the past 29
years.
In his visit on January 30 to Arun Reah Village Orphanage in Saang district, Kandal
province, Samdech Hun Sen said that since the downfall of Khmer Rouge regime the
achievements have come from the “hands” of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), not
from the opposition party’s.
Not only did not they help, added the Prime Minister of Cambodia, but also prevented
donors from providing in aid to the country.
Roads, schools, hospitals and other important infrastructure were, he underlined, built
throughout the country. “In the recent years, economy in Cambodia increased
remarkably, which startled the international community", said Samdech Hun Sen, adding
that a lot of political analysts shared the same view that the CPP would win the 2008
legislative elections.
==========
Tuesday, June 2, 2009
History
The party was constituted in early 1979, as pro-Vietnamese forces within the Communist Party of Kampuchea held a congress, and formed a separate party (retaining the name, CPK). A national committee led by Pen Sovan was appointed by the congress. The organization considered itself as the genuine inheritor of the original KPRP founded in 1951 (which had evolved into the CPK), and labelled the congress as the '3rd party congress' (thus not recognizing the 1963, 1975 and 1978 congresses of CPK as legitimate). The party considered June 28, 1951 as its founding date. The existence of the party was kept secret, until its 4th congress in May 1981 when it appeared publicly and assumed the name KPRP. The name-change was carried out 'to clearly distinguish it from the reactionary Pol Pot party and to underline and reassert the [continuity] of the party's best traditions'.
Very little is known about the Third Party Congress also known as the Congress for Party Reconstruction. Except that Pen Sovan was elected first secretary of the Central Committee and that the party had between sixty-two and sixty-six regular members.
In Pen Sovan's political report to the Fourth Party Congress held May 26 to May 29, 1981, he was careful to distance the KPRP from Pol Pot's CPK, and he denounced the CPK as a traitor to the party and to the nation.
The KPRP decided at the Fourth Party Congress to operate "openly." This move seemed to reflect the leadership's growing confidence in its ability to stay in power despite the ongoing guerilla war with the Khmer Rouge. The move may have had a practical dimension as well because it involved the people more actively in the regime's effort to build the country's political and administrative infrastructure.
The Fourth Party Congress reviewed Pen Sovan's political report and defined the party's strategy for the next several years. The Congress adopted five "basic principles of the party line," which were to uphold the banners of patriotism and of international proletarian solidarity; to defend the country (the primary and sacred task of all people); to restore and to develop the economy and the culture in the course of gradual transition toward socialism; to strengthen military solidarity with Vietnam, Laos, the Soviet Union, and other socialist nations; and to develop "a firm Marxist-Leninist party." At the Congress it was decided that henceforth the party would be known as the KPRP, in order to distinguish it from "the reactionary Pol Pot party and to underline and reassert the community of the party's best traditions." The Fourth Party Congress also proclaimed its resolve to stamp out the "reactionary ultra-nationalist doctrine of Pol Pot," to emphasize a centralized government and collective leadership, and to reject personality cults. The "ultra-nationalist doctrine" issue was an allusion to Pol Pot's racist, anti-Vietnamese stance. The Congress, attended by 162 delegates, elected twenty-one members of the party Central Committee, who in turn elected Pen Sovan as general secretary and the seven members of the party inner circle to the Political Bureau. It also adopted a new statute for the party, but did not release the text.
According to Michael Vickery, veterans of the independence struggle of the 1946 to 1954 period dominated the party Central Committee. A majority of the Central Committee members had spent all or part of the years 1954 to 1970 in exile in Vietnam or in the performance of "duties abroad."
The KPRP's pro-Vietnamese position did not change when Heng Samrin suddenly replaced Pen Sovan as party leader on December 4, 1981. Pen Sovan, who was reportedly flown to Hanoi under Vietnamese guard, was "permitted to take a long rest," but observers believed that he was purged for not being sufficiently pro-Vietnamese. In any case, the new general secretary won Hanoi's endorsement by acknowledging Vietnam's role as senior partner in the Cambodian-Vietnamese relationship. The party recognized the change in leadership symbolically by changing the official founding date of the KPRP from February 19, 1951, to June 28, 1951, in deference to the Vietnam Workers' Party (Dang Lao Dong Viet Nam), which was established in March 1951.
In mid-1981, the KPRP was essentially a skeleton organization. It had few party branches except for those in Phnom Penh, in Kampong Saom, and in the eighteen provincial capitals. Party membership was estimated at between 600 and 1,000, a considerable increase over 1979 but still only a fraction of the number of cadres needed to run the party and the government. In 1981, several of the 18 provinces had only one party member each, and Kampong Cham, the largest province with a population of more than 1 million, had only 30 regular members, according to Cambodia specialist Ben Kiernan.
The party held its Fifth Party Congress from October 13 to October 16, 1985, to reflect on the previous five years and to chart a new course for the next several years. The party's membership had increased to 7,500 regulars (4,000 new members joined in 1985 alone). The party had an additional pool of 37,000 "core" members from which it could recruit tested party regulars. There were only 4,000 core members in mid-1981. According to General Secretary Heng Samrin's political report, the KPRP had twenty-two regional committees and an undisclosed number of branches, circles, and cells in government agencies, armed forces units, internal security organs, mass organizations, enterprises, factories, and farms. The report expressed satisfaction with party reconstruction since 1981, especially with the removal of the "danger of authoritarianism" and the restoration of the principles of democratic centralism and of collective leadership. It pointed out "some weaknesses" that had to be overcome, however. For example, the party was "still too thin and weak" at the district and the grass-roots levels. Ideological work lagged and lacked depth and consistency; party policies were implemented very slowly, if at all, with few, if any, timely steps to rectify failings; and party cadres, because of their propensities for narrow-mindedness, arrogance, and bureaucratism, were unable to win popular trust and support. Another major problem was the serious shortage of political cadres (for party chapters), economic and managerial cadres, and technical cadres. Still another problem that had to be addressed "in the years to come" was the lack of a documented history of the KPRP. Heng Samrin's political report stressed the importance of party history for understanding "the good traditions of the party."
The report to the Fifth Congress noted that Heng Samrin's administration, in coordination with "Vietnamese volunteers," had destroyed "all types" of resistance guerrilla bases. The report also struck a sobering note: the economy remained backward and unbalanced, with its material and technical bases still below pre-war levels, and the country's industries were languishing from lack of fuel, spare parts, and raw materials. Transition toward socialism, the report warned, would take "dozens of years."
To hasten the transition to socialism, the Fifth Congress unveiled the PRK's First Plan, covering the years 1986 to 1990. The program included the addition of the "private economy" to the three sectors of the economy mentioned in the Constitution (the state sector, collective sector, and the family sector). Including the private economy was necessary because of the "very heavy and very complex task" that lay ahead in order to transform the "nonsocialist components" of the economy to an advanced stage. According to the political report submitted to the congress, mass mobilization of the population was considered crucial to the successful outcome of the First Plan. The report also noted the need to cultivate "new socialist men" if Cambodia were to succeed in its nation-building. These men were supposed to be loyal to the fatherland and to socialism; to respect manual labor, production, public property, and discipline; and to possess "scientific knowledge."
Heng Samrin's political report also focused on foreign affairs. He recommended that Phnom Penh strengthen its policy of alliance with Vietnam, Laos, the Soviet Union, and other socialist countries. He stressed--as Pen Sovan had in May 1981--that such an alliance was, in effect, "a law" that guaranteed the success of the Cambodian revolution. At the same time, he urged the congress and the Cambodian people to spurn "narrow-minded chauvinism, every opportunistic tendency, and every act and attitude infringing on the friendship" between Cambodia and its Indochinese neighbors. (He was apparently alluding to the continued Cambodian sensitivity to the presence of Vietnamese troops and of about 60,000 Vietnamese settlers in Cambodia. CGDK sources maintained that there were really about 700,000 Vietnamese settlers in the country.)
The KPRP's three objectives for the period 1986 to 1990 were to demonstrate military superiority "along the border and inside the country" for complete elimination of all anti-PRK activities; to develop political, military, and economic capabilities; and to strengthen special relations with Vietnam as well as mutual cooperation with other fraternal countries. Before Heng Samrin's closing address on October 16, the 250 party delegates to the congress elected a new Central Committee of 45 members (31 full members and 14 alternates). The Central Committee in turn elected Heng Samrin as general secretary, a new Political Bureau (nine full members and two alternates), a five-member Secretariat, and seven members of the Central Committee Control Commission.
After the Fifth Congress, the party's organizational work was intensified substantially. The KPRP claimed that by the end of 1986 it had more than 10,000 regular members and 40,000 candidate members who were being groomed for regular status.
General Secretary of the party from 1979 to 5 December 1981 was Pen sovan. The KPRP was a Marxism-Leninist party, although it took on a more reformist outlook in the mid-1980s. In 1991 the party was renamed Cambodian People's Party (CPP) during a UN-sponsored peace and reconciliation process.
Prime Minister Hun Sen has continued to lead the party to election victories after the transition to democracy. It won 64 of the 123 seats in the National Assembly in the 1998 elections, 73 seats in the 2003 elections, and 90 seats in the 2008 elections, winning the popular vote by the biggest margin ever for a National Assembly election with 58% of the vote. The CPP also won the 2006 Senate elections.
Very little is known about the Third Party Congress also known as the Congress for Party Reconstruction. Except that Pen Sovan was elected first secretary of the Central Committee and that the party had between sixty-two and sixty-six regular members.
In Pen Sovan's political report to the Fourth Party Congress held May 26 to May 29, 1981, he was careful to distance the KPRP from Pol Pot's CPK, and he denounced the CPK as a traitor to the party and to the nation.
The KPRP decided at the Fourth Party Congress to operate "openly." This move seemed to reflect the leadership's growing confidence in its ability to stay in power despite the ongoing guerilla war with the Khmer Rouge. The move may have had a practical dimension as well because it involved the people more actively in the regime's effort to build the country's political and administrative infrastructure.
The Fourth Party Congress reviewed Pen Sovan's political report and defined the party's strategy for the next several years. The Congress adopted five "basic principles of the party line," which were to uphold the banners of patriotism and of international proletarian solidarity; to defend the country (the primary and sacred task of all people); to restore and to develop the economy and the culture in the course of gradual transition toward socialism; to strengthen military solidarity with Vietnam, Laos, the Soviet Union, and other socialist nations; and to develop "a firm Marxist-Leninist party." At the Congress it was decided that henceforth the party would be known as the KPRP, in order to distinguish it from "the reactionary Pol Pot party and to underline and reassert the community of the party's best traditions." The Fourth Party Congress also proclaimed its resolve to stamp out the "reactionary ultra-nationalist doctrine of Pol Pot," to emphasize a centralized government and collective leadership, and to reject personality cults. The "ultra-nationalist doctrine" issue was an allusion to Pol Pot's racist, anti-Vietnamese stance. The Congress, attended by 162 delegates, elected twenty-one members of the party Central Committee, who in turn elected Pen Sovan as general secretary and the seven members of the party inner circle to the Political Bureau. It also adopted a new statute for the party, but did not release the text.
According to Michael Vickery, veterans of the independence struggle of the 1946 to 1954 period dominated the party Central Committee. A majority of the Central Committee members had spent all or part of the years 1954 to 1970 in exile in Vietnam or in the performance of "duties abroad."
The KPRP's pro-Vietnamese position did not change when Heng Samrin suddenly replaced Pen Sovan as party leader on December 4, 1981. Pen Sovan, who was reportedly flown to Hanoi under Vietnamese guard, was "permitted to take a long rest," but observers believed that he was purged for not being sufficiently pro-Vietnamese. In any case, the new general secretary won Hanoi's endorsement by acknowledging Vietnam's role as senior partner in the Cambodian-Vietnamese relationship. The party recognized the change in leadership symbolically by changing the official founding date of the KPRP from February 19, 1951, to June 28, 1951, in deference to the Vietnam Workers' Party (Dang Lao Dong Viet Nam), which was established in March 1951.
In mid-1981, the KPRP was essentially a skeleton organization. It had few party branches except for those in Phnom Penh, in Kampong Saom, and in the eighteen provincial capitals. Party membership was estimated at between 600 and 1,000, a considerable increase over 1979 but still only a fraction of the number of cadres needed to run the party and the government. In 1981, several of the 18 provinces had only one party member each, and Kampong Cham, the largest province with a population of more than 1 million, had only 30 regular members, according to Cambodia specialist Ben Kiernan.
The party held its Fifth Party Congress from October 13 to October 16, 1985, to reflect on the previous five years and to chart a new course for the next several years. The party's membership had increased to 7,500 regulars (4,000 new members joined in 1985 alone). The party had an additional pool of 37,000 "core" members from which it could recruit tested party regulars. There were only 4,000 core members in mid-1981. According to General Secretary Heng Samrin's political report, the KPRP had twenty-two regional committees and an undisclosed number of branches, circles, and cells in government agencies, armed forces units, internal security organs, mass organizations, enterprises, factories, and farms. The report expressed satisfaction with party reconstruction since 1981, especially with the removal of the "danger of authoritarianism" and the restoration of the principles of democratic centralism and of collective leadership. It pointed out "some weaknesses" that had to be overcome, however. For example, the party was "still too thin and weak" at the district and the grass-roots levels. Ideological work lagged and lacked depth and consistency; party policies were implemented very slowly, if at all, with few, if any, timely steps to rectify failings; and party cadres, because of their propensities for narrow-mindedness, arrogance, and bureaucratism, were unable to win popular trust and support. Another major problem was the serious shortage of political cadres (for party chapters), economic and managerial cadres, and technical cadres. Still another problem that had to be addressed "in the years to come" was the lack of a documented history of the KPRP. Heng Samrin's political report stressed the importance of party history for understanding "the good traditions of the party."
The report to the Fifth Congress noted that Heng Samrin's administration, in coordination with "Vietnamese volunteers," had destroyed "all types" of resistance guerrilla bases. The report also struck a sobering note: the economy remained backward and unbalanced, with its material and technical bases still below pre-war levels, and the country's industries were languishing from lack of fuel, spare parts, and raw materials. Transition toward socialism, the report warned, would take "dozens of years."
To hasten the transition to socialism, the Fifth Congress unveiled the PRK's First Plan, covering the years 1986 to 1990. The program included the addition of the "private economy" to the three sectors of the economy mentioned in the Constitution (the state sector, collective sector, and the family sector). Including the private economy was necessary because of the "very heavy and very complex task" that lay ahead in order to transform the "nonsocialist components" of the economy to an advanced stage. According to the political report submitted to the congress, mass mobilization of the population was considered crucial to the successful outcome of the First Plan. The report also noted the need to cultivate "new socialist men" if Cambodia were to succeed in its nation-building. These men were supposed to be loyal to the fatherland and to socialism; to respect manual labor, production, public property, and discipline; and to possess "scientific knowledge."
Heng Samrin's political report also focused on foreign affairs. He recommended that Phnom Penh strengthen its policy of alliance with Vietnam, Laos, the Soviet Union, and other socialist countries. He stressed--as Pen Sovan had in May 1981--that such an alliance was, in effect, "a law" that guaranteed the success of the Cambodian revolution. At the same time, he urged the congress and the Cambodian people to spurn "narrow-minded chauvinism, every opportunistic tendency, and every act and attitude infringing on the friendship" between Cambodia and its Indochinese neighbors. (He was apparently alluding to the continued Cambodian sensitivity to the presence of Vietnamese troops and of about 60,000 Vietnamese settlers in Cambodia. CGDK sources maintained that there were really about 700,000 Vietnamese settlers in the country.)
The KPRP's three objectives for the period 1986 to 1990 were to demonstrate military superiority "along the border and inside the country" for complete elimination of all anti-PRK activities; to develop political, military, and economic capabilities; and to strengthen special relations with Vietnam as well as mutual cooperation with other fraternal countries. Before Heng Samrin's closing address on October 16, the 250 party delegates to the congress elected a new Central Committee of 45 members (31 full members and 14 alternates). The Central Committee in turn elected Heng Samrin as general secretary, a new Political Bureau (nine full members and two alternates), a five-member Secretariat, and seven members of the Central Committee Control Commission.
After the Fifth Congress, the party's organizational work was intensified substantially. The KPRP claimed that by the end of 1986 it had more than 10,000 regular members and 40,000 candidate members who were being groomed for regular status.
General Secretary of the party from 1979 to 5 December 1981 was Pen sovan. The KPRP was a Marxism-Leninist party, although it took on a more reformist outlook in the mid-1980s. In 1991 the party was renamed Cambodian People's Party (CPP) during a UN-sponsored peace and reconciliation process.
Prime Minister Hun Sen has continued to lead the party to election victories after the transition to democracy. It won 64 of the 123 seats in the National Assembly in the 1998 elections, 73 seats in the 2003 elections, and 90 seats in the 2008 elections, winning the popular vote by the biggest margin ever for a National Assembly election with 58% of the vote. The CPP also won the 2006 Senate elections.
Sunday, May 31, 2009
Samdech Hun Sen receives a visiting Prince Alfred of

Cambodian Prime Minister Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen receives in Phnom Penh Tuesday a visiting Prince Alfred of the Principality of Liechtenstein.
In the meeting, Prince Alfred said his first visit to Cambodia is to conduct a fact-finding on the evolution as well as Cambodia’s experiences in peace finding.
He stated that he was accompanied by elite and famous personalities from Europe who desired to seek for more understanding and change their views on Cambodia.
In reply, Cambodian premier expressed warmly welcome to Prince Alfred for his heartfelt sympathy for Cambodia and said that he will try his best to contribute to the Prince’s “Bridge Program for Dialogue”.
In the meeting, Prince Alfred said his first visit to Cambodia is to conduct a fact-finding on the evolution as well as Cambodia’s experiences in peace finding.
He stated that he was accompanied by elite and famous personalities from Europe who desired to seek for more understanding and change their views on Cambodia.
In reply, Cambodian premier expressed warmly welcome to Prince Alfred for his heartfelt sympathy for Cambodia and said that he will try his best to contribute to the Prince’s “Bridge Program for Dialogue”.
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